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by JENN WOOD
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An elected official in the South Carolina Upstate is pushing back against what he insists is an effort to “bully” his government into approving a massive development “driven by political power and corporate profit.”
Oconee County Council chairman Matthew Durham says his county is being strong-armed by politically connected developers with ties to Clemson University and some of its most powerful leaders.
The controversy erupted after East Shore South LLC — a company operating out of the Midlands region of the Palmetto State — proposed a 5,200-home mixed-use project on more than 600 acres along Old Clemson Highway near the historic Newry Mill site.
When council declined to grant a special zoning carve-out which would have exempted the developer from having to comply with county ordinance 2024-18 – which limits density and lot size – the firm responded with threats.
In a September 15, 2025 letter (.pdf) to county administrator Amanda Brock, developer Mark Hart wrote that his company “does not feel compelled to recognize ordinance 2024-18 or unreasonable density restrictions,” and warned that without “quick and mutual agreement” he would consider annexation, lawsuits, and “other legal and political responses,” along with a “robust media campaign.”
Durham says the county’s answer was simple: follow the law or don’t build.
“Maybe threats work against politicians in Pittsburgh and Charlotte,” Durham wrote in a September 22, 2025 post. “But they won’t work here.”
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THE CLEMSON CONNECTION
As Oconee County council members began peeling back the layers of the Newry proposal, they uncovered something far more complex than a developer’s hostility. At the center of it all sat Clemson — or rather, the network of political and corporate power surrounding the university.
The company behind the Newry project, East Shore South LLC, operates out of 917 Chapin Road in Chapin, South Carolina — the same address as United Homes Group (UHG), the successor to Great Southern Homes. That connection alone would be noteworthy, but UHG’s leadership roster points to potential conflicts of interest.
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Clemson University president James P. Clements sits on UHG’s board of directors. So does Nikki Haley, the former South Carolina governor and United Nations ambassador who was appointed in 2021 as a lifetime trustee of Clemson University.
Haley also holds hundreds of thousands of dollars in UHG stock, according to corporate disclosures — giving her a direct financial stake in a company that stands to benefit from Clemson’s expansion into Oconee County.
UHG’s chairman, Michael Nieri, is both a major Clemson donor and one of its most visible benefactors. His name adorns multiple university buildings and athletic facilities — a testament to the financial ties that now blur the line between the school’s public mission and its private development interests.
“Clemson’s leadership and its biggest donors are intertwined with the company behind the Newry project,” Durham wrote recently.
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This intertwining, he argued, raises questions not only of influence but of propriety — namely, whether public growth decisions are being driven by community need or by the financial priorities of those at the top of Clemson’s donor and governance structure.
Amplifying these concerns is the ongoing constitutional controversy surrounding Haley’s presence on Clemson’s board – and, for that matter, the constitutionality of the board itself. As FITSNews previously reported, Haley’s 2021 appointment to one of the university’s seven “lifetime trustee” seats directly conflicted with Article VI, § 1 of the state constitution – which prohibits anyone from being “elected or appointed to office in this state for life.”
“The terms of all officers must be for some specified period,” the constitution mandates.
Clemson’s unconstitutional board configuration dates back to Thomas Green Clemson‘s will, which established a self-perpetuating majority — a structure that’s been challenged by numerous good government advocates over the years including the late watchdog/gadfly Ned Sloan.
Sloan’s son, John Sloan, has a lawsuit pending in Pickens County probate court against this unconstitutional arrangement.
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Haley’s appointment to the Clemson board cemented her return to state-level influence at a time when her national political prospects had evaporated. As our founding editor Will Folks observed in his coverage of the appointment, Haley’s position at Clemson provided her with a fresh platform of power in the Palmetto State — and access to one of the most elite, politically wired networks in South Carolina.
It also tethered her more tightly to Clemson’s internal operations and donor base — the very circles now intersecting with the Newry development push.
Against that backdrop, Oconee County residents discovered architectural plans on the website of Atlanta-based design firm Greenberg Farrow labeled “Nettles–Newry Master Plan.” These previously unpublicized renderings showed Clemson University satellite facilities, intramural fields, and even proposed athletic space for the City of Seneca — none of which had been shared with county officials or approved through public channels. When council vice chair Don Mize contacted Seneca officials, they confirmed they’d had no communication with the developer – nor any knowledge of such plans.
The discovery seemed to reinforce Durham’s warning: what was being marketed as a private housing proposal appeared to be a Clemson-driven expansion disguised as a residential project — one quietly intertwined with the university’s trustees, corporate allies, and major donors.
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THE ROCK HILL PLAYBOOK
If the Newry proposal feels familiar, that’s because its chief architect has played this game before.
Before turning up in Oconee County, Mark Hart spent years in professional sports — serving as chief operating officer of the Carolina Panthers and president of GT Real Estate Holdings, the company behind billionaire David Tepper‘s failed Rock Hill headquarters and practice-facility project.
That venture — promoted as an $800 million economic catalyst — collapsed into bankruptcy in 2022 after local governments refused to issue hundreds of millions in public bonds. In a May 2021 letter obtained by FITSNews, Hart urged York County and the City of Rock Hill to issue $225 million in taxpayer-backed debt, warning that without it “necessary infrastructure objectives will not be met.”
Durham’s stance against the developer’s ultimatum drew a sharp contrast with York County’s experience — positioning Oconee as a community unwilling to bankroll another high-gloss, politically connected development disaster.
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THE PROPERTY TRAIL
Land records (.pdf) confirmed the 609-acre tract along Old Clemson Highway sold for $12.2 million in April 2024, with ownership transferring from West Clemson LLC to East Shore South LLC — the same company operating out of UHG’s Chapin address. The parcel’s assessed market value now exceeds $11 million, according to county tax data.
That timeline — and that price — line up precisely with the formation of the “Nettles–Newry Master Plan,” reinforcing the link between Clemson’s real-estate growth strategy and the UHG-backed purchase.
Durham argued the conflict over Newry is symptomatic of something larger: Clemson University’s growth has outpaced its footprint and its infrastructure.
Enrollment continues to surge, traffic bottlenecks have worsened, and the city itself has run out of room. Instead of slowing down, the university is expanding outward — pushing its overflow into Oconee County and leaving local taxpayers to absorb the strain on roads, emergency services, and utilities.
That dynamic, Durham contends, is now being exploited by corporate players who see profit in Clemson’s sprawl — using political connections and public incentives to secure lucrative development deals.
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DRAWING THE LINE
For now, Oconee County Council is holding firm. The 5,200-home project has been rejected, and Durham insists the county will not revisit the issue unless the developer complies fully with existing ordinances.
“Oconee County is not for sale,” Durham wrote. “Growth is welcome — but it will be responsible, lawful, and on our terms, not theirs.”
Still, the broader implications remain. The same constellation of donors, trustees, and political figures that turned Clemson University into an economic juggernaut now stand accused of blurring the boundaries between public stewardship and private enrichment.
Whether this fight ends in Oconee County or becomes part of a larger reckoning over Clemson’s influence — and Haley’s role within it — remains to be seen.
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR …
As a private investigator turned journalist, Jenn Wood brings a unique skill set to FITSNews as its research director. Known for her meticulous sourcing and victim-centered approach, she helps shape the newsroom’s most complex investigative stories while producing the FITSFiles and Cheer Incorporated podcasts. Jenn lives in South Carolina with her family, where her work continues to spotlight truth, accountability, and justice.
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