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by JENN WOOD
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When South Carolina lawmakers passed their much-ballyhooed tort reform package last spring, they sold it as a long-overdue correction to a civil justice system replete with runaway verdicts, abusive lawsuits and venue shopping. But buried inside the final bill — a “compromise” passed by a Republican supermajority and signed by GOP governor Henry McMaster — was a single sentence that protected the state’s most politically connected docket while quietly securing a future revenue stream for a clique of wealthy insiders.
“The provisions of this section do not apply to a cause of action involving per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) or asbestos commenced prior to the effective date of this act,” the legislative noted.
To the public, this clause looked like little more than legislative housekeeping. To those overseeing South Carolina’s asbestos litigation apparatus — and to attorneys positioning themselves for the next national wave of mass-tort cases — the carveout was something else entirely: a guarantee of continuity.
Asbestos cases will not last forever. But PFAS cases – or cases tied to so-called “forever chemicals” – just might.
Thanks to this carveout, early PFAS claims in South Carolina are positioned to move through many of the same structural pathways lawmakers declined to reform — including centralized judicial control, aggressive alter-ego theories, receivership-style litigation strategies, and high-stakes insurance recovery fights conducted largely out of public view.
This was not an accident. It was deliberate architecture.
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THE NEXT ASBESTOS — ONLY BIGGER
PFAS — short for per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances — are often called “forever chemicals” because they do not naturally break down in the environment. They have been used for decades in firefighting foam, industrial processes, stain-resistant textiles, nonstick coatings, and consumer products. They are now widely detected in groundwater, rivers, soil, wildlife — and human blood.
Across the country, PFAS litigation is accelerating at a pace that has drawn blunt comparisons from insurers and risk analysts.
National legal and insurance publications have repeatedly described PFAS exposure as the “next asbestos” — not only because of the alleged health impacts, but because of the projected litigation scale. Analysts warn of long-tail liability, decades-old insurance policy triggers, and multigenerational claim exposure — the same financial dynamics that made asbestos litigation one of the most expensive civil litigation waves in American history.
The science is still developing. The exposure pathways are complex. But the projected legal costs are already enormous — and those costs do not stay confined to corporate balance sheets. They flow downstream to consumers through insurance premiums, utility rates, municipal treatment costs, and product pricing.
This is why litigation venue and litigation structure matter so much…
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RELATED | TOXIC JUSTICE
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SOUTH CAROLINA’S GROWING PFAS FOOTPRINT
Recent investigative reporting by The Post and Courier and its national media partners has documented how PFAS contamination is not theoretical in South Carolina — it is measurable.
Sampling in the Lower Saluda River watershed identified elevated PFAS readings downstream from carpet-industry facilities, helping connect South Carolina to a broader regional story involving textile manufacturing, chemical coatings, and stain-resistant product lines historically tied to PFAS use. That reporting — based on court records, environmental data, and multi-state document reviews — traces how PFAS chemistry became embedded in carpet and textile production, and how contamination pathways extended into waterways serving downstream communities.
State testing has also found PFAS contamination across numerous South Carolina water bodies. The state attorney general has filed PFAS-related litigation. Utilities are evaluating treatment upgrades. Municipalities and watchdog groups are pursuing claims to recover cleanup costs.
In other words: the inputs for large-scale PFAS litigation are already present — industrial history, environmental detection, regulatory lag, and public-health concern.
All that remains is the litigation engine – and South Carolina has one.
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THE HELLHOLE THAT HELD
In the meantime, the Palmetto State has again retained its place in the latest national “Judicial Hellholes” report published by the Americans for Tort Reform Foundation (ATRF) — with the state’s asbestos docket specifically cited as a continuing concern. Critics point to its concentrated judicial control, expansive receiver authority theories, cross-border corporate reach, and opaque settlement structures as indicators of a litigation environment tilted toward a small circle of repeat players.
That same structural model — centralized judge management, coordinated claims, insurance targeting, and entity revival strategies — is precisely the model critics fear could be replicated in PFAS litigation.
Lawmakers were warned about this dynamic during last year’s tort reform debate. Instead of dismantling the framework, though, they preserved it for pending asbestos and PFAS cases — and specifically carved those industries out by statute.
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RELATED | ORAL ARGUMENTS SCHEDULED IN ASBESTOS RECEIVERSHIP FIGHT
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ASBESTOS TIMING TURNING HEADS
The South Carolina Supreme Court has scheduled oral arguments in an asbestos receivership case for February 25, 2026 — a proceeding that will examine whether the receiver’s appointment was lawful, whether foreign corporate law limits the alter-ego theory being used, whether jurisdiction defenses were waived, and whether prior releases bar the claims entirely.
The hearing’s timing is notable.
Oral arguments will occur during the Judicial Merit Selection Commission (JMSC) solicitation window — the period when sitting judges and justices must actively seek legislative endorsements to keep their seats. One of the requests to expedite the arguments came from a sitting JMSC member, according to filed correspondence (.pdf).
The attorney’s stated rationale focused on litigation scheduling concerns, but the result places a structurally sensitive case — one that directly affects the state’s most politically entangled docket — squarely inside the realm of judicial reappointment.
There is no proof of improper coordination. But the overlap underscores a recurring theme in South Carolina’s system: judicial power, judicial selection, and high-stakes litigation frequently operate on intersecting tracks.
That intersection is at the heart of this series…
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WHO ULTIMATELY PAYS
Mass tort litigation is often framed as corporate accountability versus public harm. Sometimes that framing is accurate. But economically, the cost distribution is more complex.
Large-scale chemical and exposure litigation typically drives:
- Higher commercial insurance premiums
- Increased municipal water treatment costs
- Higher product compliance expenses
- Expanded reserve requirements for carriers
- Long-term rate adjustments passed through to consumers
PFAS filtration systems alone can cost utilities millions. Litigation recovery may offset part of that — but litigation itself is also a cost center, with contingency fees, expert costs, insurance disputes, and settlement layering built into the process.
South Carolina lawmakers publicly argued their reform bill would protect small businesses and consumers from systemic cost escalation. Yet they explicitly shielded the two chemical litigation categories most likely to generate the next generation of mega-claims.
That contradiction is not subtle…
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THE END OF ASBESTOS — OR THE HANDOFF?
Asbestos built the machine… PFAS may inherit it.
The carve-out language ensures that early PFAS claims — like legacy asbestos cases — can proceed outside the reworked liability framework. The centralized docket model remains under Supreme Court review. The receivership structure remains under challenge. The judicial selection system that enabled it remains unchanged.
If the court shuts the structure down, PFAS litigation in South Carolina will look very different. If it does not, the transition from asbestos to PFAS will not be a disruption — it will be a handoff.
That possibility — more than any single lawsuit — is the real endpoint of ‘Toxic Justice.’
Because the question was never just how the system worked. It was whether anyone would stop it before the next wave arrived…
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR …
As a private investigator turned journalist, Jenn Wood brings a unique skill set to FITSNews as its research director. Known for her meticulous sourcing and victim-centered approach, she helps shape the newsroom’s most complex investigative stories while producing the FITSFiles and Cheer Incorporated podcasts. Jenn lives in South Carolina with her family, where her work continues to spotlight truth, accountability, and justice.
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They will retaliate against me for this; and surely many of my supposed FaceBook friends with ongoing interests before current South Carolina’s Associate Justice John Cannon Few will unfriend me. But courage is not the absence of fear; it is the overcoming of fear to do what is right to be done at the right moment. And in my judgment, courage is to say the following:
John Cannon Few’s last-minute withdrawal is an act of cowardice, selfishness, arrogance, and for a former Duke mascot, total lack of sportsmanship. Yes, it is customary for the lowest-vote-pledge-getting candidate to withdraw; BUT that is for open seats when the screening had already been done for an open seat and the withdrawal of the unfavored candidate does NOT halt the election. The rules are different when the incumbent is a candidate and withdraws at the last minute. The other candidates have to be re-screened and the election rescheduled, perhaps to a date AFTER Few’s current term expires. Thus, he plans to continue on the bench UNELECTED beyond his elected term. Few should have stood up like a man in the election and let the world see how few, if any, votes he had earned. Instead, like an unruly child, he took the football and went home. Or, like the Biblical Samson, Few brought the temple down on himself and his competitors. Ironically, Few boasts an article of his titled “The Courage of a Lawyer.” What Few did is the OPPOSITE of courage. Few talks the talk but does NOT walk the walk. That alone suffices to explain why few, if any, electors in South Carolina’s General Assembly liked Few for a second term on SC’s supreme court. A man’s character matters when he wants to continue as a judge. And character is revealed, not by a man’s word, but by a man’s instinctual acts in a crunch. Instead of graciously acknowledging the competitor who bested Few in vote pledges, Few threw a temper tantrum and delayed the likely-successful candidate’s election, perhaps indefinitely.
Toxic too, but mainly morally so, is the ramp-to-nowhere at the front of South Carolina’s supreme court building, now and apparently hurriedly, placed there before the 11 February 2026 Murdaugh oral arguments.
In prior comments on this media outlet, I noted how Kittredge had forced his new clerk, Pat Howard, to send me a letter LYING about an ADA-compliant ramp being built in 2023 at the front of the building when there was, and there still is, a perfectly good ramp in the back of the building only the Court does not want the great unwashed public to use it.
2023 no new ramp.
2024 no new ramp.
2025 no new ramp.
2026 a new ram to nowhere pops up for the photo ops.
It has too steep a slope and no adjacent handicapped public parking spot.
For a wheel-chair bound litigant/visitor to SC’s supreme court building to use that new-found ramp, (s)he had to be dropped on it from a helicopter.
And then the wheel-chair would tumble back from the steep slope.
Quite possibly that unnecessary and non-functional ramp cost tax-payers more than the legislature pay raise SC’s supreme court struck down and is now playing victimhood and martyrdom for having done so.
Methinks FITS’ courage has reached its limits; or is limited by his being under the spell of the very beautiful Jenny Wooten, whose side FITS took over Jenny’s then-husband’s and father of Jenny’s first three children, John McGill, the son of a n0w-replaced Speaker of South Carolina House of Representatives.
And this is pure guessing on my part, apparently FITS’ infatuation with Jenny Wooten’s beauty, and consequent hatred of her first husband, John McGill, spilled over to blind hatred of everyone who ever served as speaker of South Carolina’s House of Representative, as evident by FITS’ cruel attacks on Jay Lucas for having challenged John Few’s re-election.
FITS’ infatuation with Jenny Wooten’s beauty made him turn sharply on Shane Massey, who was only last week’s FITS’ hero for opposing Jay Lucas’ candidacy only to become FITS’ today’s villain for opposing Jenny Wooten’s elevation to lead SC Votes.
IN FACT, Jenny Wooten is the very definition of nepotism (from the root words for niece and nephew). She is literally the niece of now-Senior U.S. District Judge Terry L. Wooten (the twin brother of Jenny’s father, Jerry) and the BFF of now-totally-retired former U.S. District and Circuit Judge Dennis W. Shedd.
Both Terry Wooten and Dennis Shedd served in the late Strom Thurmond’s office when his fathering of a biracial daughter through his statutory rape of the black teen-aged house made was a secret kept by payments to the biracial daughter and by elevation to U.S. Attorney or to U.S. Judge of those in Thurmond’s office or family who knew the secret.
The relationship between Dennis and Wooten extends to marriages and hiring decisions. Shedd’s daughter, Sara, a bitcoin dealer, is married to a former Wooten law clerk. And Shedd’s son, Michael, clerked for Wooten and married another Wooten clerk, Erica Wells Shedd, who now works for Governor McMaster, who appointed Dennis Shedd to chair SC Votes. Shedd, in turn, elevated Jenny.
See the tangled web of connections over merit?
And that voting machines contract FITS now declaims? Dennis Shedd admits to having taken it home but not having read it before signing off on it.
And do you know why Shedd did not read that $32 million proposed contract before signing off on it? Because Shedd is accustomed to signing off on things he did not read but were written for his signature by his clerks when he was a district judge and by the office of staff counsel when he was in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit.
Why is all this timely? Because TODAY, SC’s supreme court is FINALLY making public the extent of self-dealing and nepotism of Abbeville County Master-in-Equity Curtis G. Clark.
Let’s see if FITS will break out of the spell cast on him by Jenny’s beauty and let through this comment of mine.
“house maid” not “house made”