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by WILL FOLKS
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South Carolina governor Henry McMaster has made it abundantly clear he intends to call state lawmakers back to the State House if they adjourn for the year without addressing president Donald Trump‘s proposed congressional redistricting plan.
Trump is adamant that the S.C. General Assembly must redraw the Palmetto State’s congressional boundaries in the hopes of achieving a 7–0 Republican sweep – thus expanding the GOP’s narrow edge in the U.S. House of Representatives. Currently, the GOP holds a 6–1 edge – with the lone exception being the heavily gerrymandered S.C. sixth congressional district, which has been represented for decades by liberal Democrat Jim Clyburn.
Multiple states have heeded Trump’s call – but not South Carolina. In fact, GOP leaders – including McMaster – have stonewalled him for months on this issue. Earlier this week, an attempt to put redistricting on the legislature’s post-adjournment agenda failed when the S.C. Senate refused to go along with a House resolution to that effect.
Led by majority leader Shane Massey, senators opposed to redistricting argued Trump’s proposed map would at best preserve the Palmetto State’s current 6–1 Republican edge (and perhaps even lead to a 5–2 split of the state’s congressional delegation).
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When the Senate expressly refused to place the redistricting issue on its post-adjournment calendar, it fell to McMaster to threaten a special session – which he did.
McMaster’s decision is tremendously consequential to Trump. Were he to decline to call a special session, redistricting would be dead for the year – and South Carolina’s congressional maps would stay the same in the 2026 election cycle. Calling a special session, on the other hand, breathes new life into the proposal.
During a special session, lawmakers have total control over the issues they take up – meaning redistricting could be taken up and passed by both chambers. Even better for Trump, opponents of redistricting would be limited in the procedural roadblocks they could place in the path of the bill (H. 5683).
In other words, McMaster – whose office typically wields little-to-no power – can singlehandedly resurrect a dead bill and put it in an optimal position to clear both chambers of the legislature.
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What’s such an invaluable assist worth to Trump? That question has been reverberating through the granite corridors of the S.C. State House all week as it became increasingly clear the viability of the president’s redistricting push hinged on McMaster’s decision.
Rumors of a quid pro quo between the White House and the governor over the special session have been running rampant, with speculation swirling as to what inducements Trump might be inclined to offer McMaster in order to ensure his longtime ally remained… steadfast.
According to multiple sources familiar with the situation, McMaster’s office has asked Trump to consider endorsing his lieutenant governor – Pamela Evette – in exchange for calling a special session. These same sources say the governor has also asked the president to tap his preferred candidate as the next U.S. Marshal for the state of South Carolina.
The nature and semantics of these conversations – and the specific terms associated with them – are the subject of significant dispute among those privy to the insider conversations.
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“It’s a political drug deal,” one source told us of the rumored agreement. “It’s criminal.”
Another source bluntly challenged that assertion, defending McMaster’s integrity and saying the status quo chief executive would “never” engage in a quid pro quo involving an official action.
“Something like that is not in Henry McMaster’s DNA,” this source, who previously worked for McMaster, told us. “That’s not how he operates at all. He’s a former U.S. attorney and the former attorney general of South Carolina. He knows the law, respects the law and follows the law.”
But… would McMaster answer honestly if the White House inquired of him whether there was anything he wanted Trump’s help with?
“Yes,” the source acknowledged. “He would absolutely do that.”
Evette is one of four candidates believed to have a viable path to the governorship of the Palmetto State in the upcoming Republican primary election, scheduled for June 9, 2026. The others are attorney general Alan Wilson, first district congresswoman Nancy Mace and fifth district congressman Ralph Norman.
Were Trump to endorse Evette over those three contenders, he would likely face fresh concerns related to Republicans’ narrow majority in the House. Norman and Mace are votes he desperately needs between now and next January – as is the vote of Joe Wilson, Alan Wilson’s father.
Keep it tuned to FITSNews as we track the various political machinations swirling around the upcoming special session – and Trump’s push to get the Palmetto State to redraw its political lines.
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR…
Will Folks is the founding editor of the news outlet you are currently reading. Prior to founding FITSNews, he served as press secretary to the governor of South Carolina. He lives in the Midlands region of the state with his wife and eight children.
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